Tuesday, December 15, 2009

AFRICAN MEDIA SYSTEM

INTRODUCTION:
Mass media in Africa have undergone tremendous changes in the last decade. Over the past 15 to 20 years, there has been notable progress and a significant shift towards democratization and media diversity in Africa. A UN report in 2006 states that mainstream, alternative and new forms of media, such as community and privately owned commercial media have steadily emerged and grown in numbers and diversity of opinion. The report suggests that the growth is in large part due to the space created by the shift from dictorial regimes to multiparty democracies and elections as well as the end of the cold war and internal calls for democratic reforms. In many African countries, as the new media entities have emerged, state-owned media, equally important for the public interest, has stagnated in the face of competition and diversity.

THE MEDIA SYSTEM:
For a close to a decade, the Highway Africa initiative, an annual collaboration between Rhodes University in South Africa, the private sector and development partners to showcase and promote new media, has helped engender a new breed of networked, multimedia-savvy African journalists. In recent years the digital era, and with it the convergence of new technologies with traditional/conventional media have raised critical policy questions on conventional regulatory telecommunications frameworks that lag behind new and emerging technologies. With access to new technologies and with improved bandwidth and internet infrastructure, ordinary citizens can bypass the hurdles of access to frequencies and licenses by appropriating digital or video cameras and audio players to publish, podcast, vodcast or stream stories on independent internet blogs. The digital age and the rapid development of the Internet have also challenged the traditional definition of journalism, forcing the mainstream or mass media to adapt or face extinction. Citizen journalism, including the generation of news content and analysis by individuals and independent groups of citizens worldwide, is an important dimension of this emerging phenomenon. Of all the media, newspapers remain the most combative and aggressive in their efforts to develop editorial independence, open up the society, and make themselves relevant.
A number of challenges stand in the way of a strong media sector in Africa. Sustainability emerges as an overarching concern common to all media actors, irrespective of type. Of particular concern is financial sustainability. In many African countries the market for commercial media products is thin, manifested by a weak subscription and advertiser base. Where such markets do exist, the concentration is overwhelmingly urban and to a lesser extent peri-urban. Rural dwellers must rely largely on alternative and community-focused media, where they exist. There is an overall deficit of investment. Media owners and entrepreneurs have little or no dedicated means of support, as a result of which media is unevenly developed, within and across countries. In the short term, consistent and coherent financing is required to address this concern. A longer-term challenge is how to graduate from reliance on donor funding, to full sustainability. Press freedom remains a significant challenge. The collapse of the state monopoly on media in the 1990s notwithstanding, the growth of independent media has been circumscribed by state efforts to claw back power. In many countries, journalists and communicators are not allowed to operate freely, and intimidation and censorship remain the order of the day. The spectre of journalists threatened, jailed and even killed in the course of doing their jobs remains too common a scenario. Often, economic imperatives and political alignments make nonsense of the media’s role as a guardian of the public sphere. Some state-controlled media continue to serve as propagandists, ensuring that only prescribed messages are released. The same phenomenon of crowding out space applies to the private media, with concentration of media ownership threatening pluralism. Moreover, the dearth of public media in Africa raises concern that serving the public interest rests solely on the shoulders of state and private media, both of which have overriding concerns – such as serving ruling elites and ensuring financial sustainability.
Capacity and standards are also identified as a major concern. In recent decades, donors have supported media training aimed at individuals and, to a lesser extent, organizations. However, the conventional wisdom is that such training has been piecemeal, small-scale and inimical to institution-building of the kind that is needed to sustain media as a sector. Producing content of a consistently high quality that is accurate and reliable requires a stronger configuration of training providers and a clear vision as to how to develop media capacity in different countries and subregions, all with their own specific characteristics and realities. Media management and entrepreneurial skills, as well as skills to strengthen media representation, also need to be developed with the same holistic approach in mind.
The emergence and development of Information and Communication technologies and especially the Internet has brought in its wake hope of increased exchanges between people geographically separated, dreams of economic prosperity, a new sense of interconnectedness and the optimistic belief in development and change even in the lives of Africans.
Mass media in Africa have undergone tremendous changes in the last decade. The monopoly by government has been broken. Radio and television are improving and are gradually becoming powerful instruments for public information and education. However, despite progress made, mass media in Africa remains constrained by acute problems including a lack of financial, human and material resources. These constraints could have a profound impact on the possibility of the African media to create public spheres for democratic participation.
Today’s Africa’s media picture is mixed. On one hand there is the example of South Africa whose largely professional media is of a high standard. On the other hand countries like Zimbabwe, Equatorial Guinea and Eritrea have taken deliberate steps to limit all media scrutiny, reportedly “expelling foreign journalists, banning international human rights groups, and trying to control Internet access”. Rwanda, Gabon and Ethiopia have demonstrated similar tendencies. At the same time, security remains a major issue for journalists working in countries like Somalia, the Central African Republic (CAR), Nigeria, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), although statistically journalists in Africa are less at risk than those working in the Middle East and Latin America.
The fact is that the dream of a robust, independent, indigenous continent-wide African mass media is still far from becoming reality. There have been signs of improvement, and some commentators have perceived real and lasting change, suggesting, for example, that “what was once a media desert has become a landscape flourishing with newspapers, radio and TV stations”. Many national governments have demonstrated reluctance to allow the development of an effective “fourth estate”. Other concerns persist. For example, even where African television stations are relatively free of political interference, they typically use very little local material; other than clumsily-produced news and some entertainment programming, conspicuous dependence on Western programming is common. Funding also remains a key issue for many media outlets in Africa; failure rates for financial reasons are high. In the realm of indigenous Pan-African media, pickings are slim.

Thursday, September 3, 2009

Globalisation of Media

From the early rise of human civilization, man and his ability to communicate has made him superior than any other living animals in this world. Knowingly or unknowingly we have been involved in communicating with each other in day to day life. In the earlier age people didn't know how to produce sounds so they used to talk with themselves intra-physically known as intra-personal communication and as John Vivian says that "intra-personal communication develops our thoughts and ideas" which lead humans in formation of speech. Since the development of speech which is thought to have begun about three hundred thousand years ago. Slowly humans started to communicate with each other, terminologically speaking inter-personally, using different channels like auditory, visual, olfactory and tactile. Due to inter-personal communication human civilization came to its existence. One of the major characteristics of human is to form a group (family, community and nation) and so people started forming groups from where group communication started although group communication is complex than intra and inter-personal communication, all the members of the group is considered having communication at interpersonal level too. Human society consists of various organization and communication carried out in these organizations are known as organizational communication where information is transmitted to a large group of people, which results in the construction of meanings that have influences on its members. That did not stop there humans started scribbling pictures and unclear lines which is considered as prior forms of the alphabets. Then the printing press was invented in 1445 by Johannes Gutenberg which was a land mark of the human society and served as the gate way to the modern print media. Since then knowledge and information could be transmitted to other fellow beings in larger scale. Then came the era of wire services which started with the rise of telegraph invented by Samuel Morse in 1830-1832A.D. and telephone by Alexander Graham Bell in 1876A.D. and it was possible to send information through wire which was quickly followed up by wireless service in 1895A.D. when Marconi successfully sent human voice with the help of radio wave. Radio receiving sets were invented on 1906 which till now is considered to be the dominant means of communication. The invention of radio brought a new revolution in the sector of communication and the sharing of information across the globe. Thirty years later after the invention of radio humans succeeded in sending sound and voice at the same time with the invention of television. The recent development in the field of communication is the use of satellites and computers in the process of communication. These mass media helps one person or a group of persons to communicate with a large audience which is known as mass communication. Now, communication could be performed in such a way that time and space were no obstacle in its path. Machines extended the range of messages by transmitting over large distances. The use of mass media in the process of communication destroyed the barrier of time and geography and made the world as a family. It linked the whole world in the information superhighway and uplifted the concept of globalization.

Saturday, July 4, 2009

State of media in Nepal in 2065B.S.

1.0 A general over view over Nepalese media:

The political changes brought about by the Jana Andolan (people’s movement) of April 2006 resulted in a significant shift in the media environment. In May 2006 the government annulled all media-related ordinances issued after 1 February 2005 and formed a High Level Media Commission to make recommendations on media policy. The government has implemented some of this Commission’s recommendations, including those made by the International Mission. These include the enactment a new Working Journalists Act and the Freedom of Information Act. Nepal was declared a federal republic on May 28, 2008, and the CPN (M) took on leadership of the coalition government in August. Nepal’s Interim Constitution - in effect until a new statute is promulgated- guarantees press freedom and freedom of expression. However, data at the Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) suggest that the press freedom situation has deteriorated considerably since April 2006, especially in terms of the number of recorded violations. In 2008 alone the FNJ recorded over 342 instances of murder, attacks, threats and harassment of journalists and media companies. Included were two murders, 114 instances of attacks against journalists and media companies and 80 instances of threats and harassment. Analysis of the FNJ data suggests that violence against the media rose sharply after July 2008. Most of the reported attacks and threats against the media have taken place in the southern plains that border India and in the eastern hills, which has been the seat for demands for identity-based provinces and autonomy. Incidents of media rights violations peaked in late 2008 and early 2009. Two of the more notable attacks occurred during this period: the remains believed to belong to a murdered journalist who went missing in October were discovered in November 2008 And on 11January 2009 a group of unidentified assailants brutally murdered a young female journalist. The February 2009 International Mission to Nepal had two purposes: to respond quickly to the increasing violence against journalists and media companies and to undertake a rapid assessment of the situation of media rights.

1.1 STATE OF MEDIA

1.1.0 Broadcasting:

Nepal’s broadcasting sector has seen major changes since the popular uprisingin April 2006. After the restoration of Parliament on 24 April, Prime Minister Koirala also oversaw the Ministry of Information and Communication until he appointed a Minister in June. By early 2006 FM stations had resumed news broadcasts – after the 10 August 2005 interim order by the Supreme Court on a writ filed by Nepal FM and other court decisions related to Kantipur FM and Sagarmatha FM. The court had barred the Government from revoking Nepal FM’s licenses after it had defied the ban on news. The Government formed a High Level Media Commission in August 2006. Thereafter, it formed a taskforce to recommend new legislation, which is

being reviewed by the Information and Communication Ministry. However, most of the recommendations relating to the sector remain unimplemented (see Media policy and legal reform). Meantime, the Government has asked the Press Council Nepal (PCN) – the regulator of the print media – to also oversee broadcasting. However, the PCN has been unable to fulfil the role for lack of adequate legislation and capacity. The print and broadcast media have equal legal status. However, the National Broadcasting Act, the Radio Act, the Radio Communication (License) Regulation and the National Broadcasting Regulation, need to be amended

before the provision can take effect. In December 2007 the Government had licensed over 200 new radio stations, taking the total number to around 250. Around a 100 radio stations were broadcasting in December 2007. The number of television licensees has reached 18. Among them seven Nepal based channels are broadcasting – five are private and two state-run. One TV station broadcasts to Nepal from New Delhi, India. The Nepali audience has access to almost all the satellite channels available in South Asia. The state broadcaster Nepal Television began broadcasting in January 1985 and was the only station until independent television channels were licensed in mid-2001.

1.1.1 Analysis of broadcasting Media:

1.1.2 FM Radio:

Harassment of Nepal’s broadcasters by the state ended in April 2006, but the number of problems in the sector have increased. The uncertainty of the transition and lack of clear policy and laws have resulted in unplanned and unmanaged development, inconsistent application of laws and regulation, cut-throat competition, commercialization and politicization (the lack of special provisions governing community radio has contributed to the complexity). Competition is driving the radio stations towards greater market orientation

and higher budgets, thus challenging the public service and community radio principles and practices. Both volunteerism and access of poor and marginalized groups to the airwaves are threatened, more so because

frequencies have been distributed based on a first-come-first-serve basis, but those licensed have often been individuals and groups with access to the political and bureaucratic elite. There are new issues related to the credibility and professionalism in broadcasting. Nepal’s broadcasters comprise a large number of small ventures still in the process of institution building, which tend to be overshadowed by the few larger broadcasters. Generally, the fairly developed broadcasters in Kathmandu tends to eclipse the struggling district FMs, which Nepali journalists said was reason why there was not as much donor support to radio as there should have been. The sporadic donor support to radio is often spent in Kathmandu, contributing little towards institutionalization or sustainability of local broadcasters. As donors have no collective strategy for using radio for enhancing the outputs of their investments in other sectors including peace-building. Sustainability therefore remains a challenge, especially for the real community-run ventures. Another challenge to radio stems from the licensing regime. Existing law does not have enough termination clauses and this has made entry of new broadcasters almost impossible, especially in some regions where almost all available frequencies have been allocated. There are no laws to differentiate commercial and community radios and smaller ventures are subject to the same license and renewal fees applied to all broadcasters. Many stations use inappropriate equipment and technology. Much of the equipment has already broken down or has become outdated. A secular technical support centre for radio accessible to all broadcasters can help to better manage the growth.

1.1.3 Television:

Nepali television is becoming more professional as a result of both in-country and international competition, but this does not mean that the sector does not have serious problems. The technology used by many stations is dated compared to international standards.

1.1.4 Focus area:

The lack of adequate power supply and Nepal’s rugged topography are also two factors that will continue to hamper the reach of television for many more years. Roughly 40% of Nepalis have access to electricity, which is not available year-round, even in the capital. Another problem is the content of television, which seems to be targeting the urban populations (and advertisers) rather than the rural groups, helping thus to magnify the growing rural-urban inequalities rather than contributing towards bridging the gap. The role of television in Nepal’s transformation will remain marginal until the aforesaid challenges can be overcome – which is

unlikely in the short- and medium-terms.

1.2 Print media:

Despite the fact that Nepal’s independent newspapers flourished only since the re-establishment of democracy in 1990, Nepal has a vibrant print media landscape. There are currently more than 4,500 registered newspapers and magazines, although only about 500 of them publish on a regular basis.7 Of Nepal’s roughly 8,000 media practitioners, some 6,000 are involved in the print media. According to the World Association of Newspapers (WAN), hundreds of independent vernacular and English-language newspapers representing various points of view were available in 2007, both in Kathmandu and the districts. The privately-owned broadsheet dailies report largely independently, while the government-owned dailies, Gorkhapatra and The Rising Nepal, reflect government policy. There are weekly newspapers that are close to or even identify with and pledge allegiance to different political parties –including the CPN(M).

1.2.1 Analysis of print media:

With a few exceptions, most newspaper companies are small ventures with low circulation figures, ranging from a few hundred copies to a few thousand. Circulation is affected by the low literacy, relatively high cover

prices and difficulties in distribution, especially in the districts, where security and poor infrastructure make it difficult to deliver newspapers on a timely basis. Regular distribution is restricted mainly to the Kathmandu Valley, which accounts for more than 85 percent of the market. Newspapers are predominantly distributed door-to-door by bicycle. According to WAN, there are approximately 1,000 newspaper outlets in Kathmandu Valley and another 1,000 in the rest of the country. About half of these are stationery or grocery stores doubling as newspaper outlets. The inequitable allocation of state advertising has also had a debilitating effect

on the print media, especially on small and medium-sized newspapers. The Government scrapped the “one-window” advertising policy introduced by the royal government in June 2006. Using this policy, it had deprived independent publications of pubic advertising funds and given state-controlled media preferential treatment for commissions. However, the Kathmandu-based publications still continue to receive the large part of public advertising and existing allocation rules exclude district media from a – perhaps – fairer share.

The working conditions of journalists at most newspaper companies are still not comparable to other industries. Salaries paid to journalists are low. In addition, many newspaper companies do not pay journalists in a timely manner. Nepal’s law bars the cancellation of registration so periodicals once registered stay on the list forever. The Press Council Nepal which classifies newspapers and monitors them has a list of about 2600 publications – dailies, weeklies, bi-weeklies, fortnightlies and monthlies.

1.2.2 Focus area:

Nepal’s decade-long civil conflict has had a profound impact on the print media, with both government forces and Maoist rebels targeting journalists and media houses. Under the state of emergency, from 1 February 2005 to end April 2005, fundamental rights, including freedom of expression and the right to information, were suspended. Soldiers and security forces entered newsrooms, monitoring newspaper copy and warning newspaper companies against disseminating any information that showed the Government in a negative light. In protest, some publications left their editorial pages blank. Hundreds of print journalists were detained, arrested or beaten throughout 2005 and early 2006. Threats came from all sides, with journalists facing interference from Maoists, representatives of the then Royal Nepalese Army8, and from the police. During the popular uprising of April 2006, journalists played a major role in resisting King Gyanendra’s attempts to restrict freedom of opinion and expression, thereby contributing toward the popular shift to democracy. The

situation of the print media improved with the end of King Gyanendra’s direct rule in April 2006. The new Government removed all restrictive directives imposed on the media by the king’s government. The delay in holding a Constituent Assembly election has resulted in a state of lawlessness whereby public security has suffered. Outside Kathmandu, journalists continue to face threats, harassment and violent attacks from a wide range of perpetrators, including local officials, criminal gangs, Maoist cadres, and other armed or unarmed groups. Both the two journalists who were killed in 2007 and the one who was abducted (and whose whereabouts remained unknown since July 2007) were print journalists. Prakash Singh Thakuri edited and published Aajako Samachar; Birendra Sah wrote for the Kathmandu-based weekly, Dristi and Pushkar Bahadur Shrestha, publisher of two local weeklies, Highway Weekly and New Season. These attacks, coupled with the climate of impunity in Nepal, have led to numerous cases of selfcensorship among print journalists.

The print media also continued to face attacks from organisations affiliated with the CPN (M), especially its trade union, the All Nepal Communication, Printing and Publication Workers Union (CPPWU), which sought to prevent the distribution of newspapers for carrying unfavourable news reports about the Union. In August 2007, the CPPWU disrupted the publication of the daily newspapers, the Himalayan Times and the Annapurna Post. Similar attacks continued when the CPPWU prevented the printing of Kantipur and the Kathmandu Post. Nepal’s print media continue to face a wide range of challenges. The high level of illiteracy, insufficient distribution networks and the incapacity of the average citizen to afford a newspaper mean that relatively few Nepalis can read newspapers on a regular basis, especially in the outlying districts. The allocation of state advertising remains a crucial issue, especially for newspapers in the districts, which are more dependent on public advertisements for revenue. The high taxes on newsprint, high postage rates, and the poor working conditions of the average print journalist also need to be addressed.

Whereas violence against journalists by the two sides engaged in the conflict (February 1996 to April 2006) subsided with the onset of the peace process, it is being replaced by a growing pressure, including violent attacks, by identitybased and other social groups fighting for recognition and rights. At the same time, journalists have become targets to a growing number of criminal gangs – that operate with or without political patronage. The vulnerability of journalists could increase during times when the political contests intensify. Many journalists told the Mission that they feel unsafe to even display their press identification while covering rallies and other mass events. Thus, unless law-enforcement agencies manage to provide adequate security for unhampered reporting, and promptly investigate and apprehend the culprits of crimes against journalists (which would also help stem the growing culture of impunity), and unless non-state actors stop treating media and journalists as tools or hostages, the ability of the latter to cover the crucial peace process will be severely restricted. The media, for their part, need to act responsibly in reporting and commentary. The standards should be upheld through self-regulatory mechanisms, rather than by coercion from the state or other outside actors. A Code of Conduct for journalists was enacted by the Election Commission for the election period and it had sought the services of the Press Council for Media, elections and the peace process monitoring compliance and reporting violations. Cases of alleged breaches of the Code of Conduct, or professional and ethical standards in general, are to be referred to the Press Council Nepal to deal with in accordance with its legal mandate. Under this construction no other state agencies, and certainly no political or ad-hoc groups, should be allowed to try and discipline or punish the media for perceived misconduct. The challenge here is to establish an adequate monitoring mechanism. Particular attention should be paid to instances of hate speech and/or calls to violence. Every manifestation of hate speech carried by a media outlet should be promptly identified and unequivocally condemned by the journalistic community. At the same time, the media should strive to provide adequate and unbiased coverage of issues and concerns of disadvantaged ethnic and social groups – both around the election period and in a long-run. Including representatives of these groups (after they receive necessary professional training) in the newsrooms of mainstream media would be a welcome step towards ensuring fair representation of diverse views, and facilitating social dialogue. The media came under attack from different forces during this period, including groups affiliated with political parties and new groups demanding greater say in the constitution-making process. These attacks intensified after mid-January 2007 in the wake of protests by Madhesi groups dissatisfied with the failure of the new constitution to address inclusion of plains-origin people in the state-building process. Over a dozen armed groups claiming to represent the demands of the Madhesi people have emerged since, and the violence, largely targeted against people of hill origin, has not spared journalists. The media also continued to face attacks from organisations affiliated with the CPN(M), especially its trade union. The attacks often resulted in disruption of publication and broadcasting. On 5 October 2007 the Maoists abducted and killed Birendra Sah, a journalist in Bara district. The whereabouts of another journalist Prakash Singh Thakuri, allegedly abducted by the Maoists on 5 July from Mahendranagar in Far-western Nepal, remains unknown. The Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (Jwala Singh) took responsibility for killing Pushkar Bahadur Shrestha in Birgunj of Parsa district on 12 January 2008. However, the Government had taken no action to investigate the death and

bring those guilty to justice. Nevertheless, the independent media community has continued its fight

against different direct and indirect threats to press freedoms and the safety of journalists. Even though Nepal now has “space” for freedom of expression, the difficulties faced by the State in maintaining law and order has resulted in an environment of continuous threats against journalists and press freedom. Nepal has enacted two vital laws for protecting the rights of journalists and media freedoms. These include the Working Journalists Act and the Right to Information Act (8 August and 18 July 2007). However, both the laws remain to be fully implemented for lack of appropriate regulations and other implementation-related issues. Nepal, however, has yet to amend laws and regulations on broadcasting, in the spirit of the guarantees provided by the Interim Constitution and the recommendations of the Media Commission. The outcome has been rapid but haphazard growth in licensing new broadcasters, especially FM radios, whose management, growth and sustainability remain major challenges. Media development in Nepal remains constrained by inadequate legislation and/or implementation of laws – where they exist – as well as the lack of institutional capacity of media organisations and resources (human and material). Preparing the Nepali media for taking on the challenge to support communications on state-building during the transition requires continuous efforts in training journalists, supporting media organisations in producing content and supporting forums for media to discuss and identify major challenges and the steps to address them.

3.0 Nepal’s media environment 2008- 2009

Nepal’s media environment early 2008, there was General insecurity, especially that of media workers, has also been reported mainly in the eastern region’s hill districts. In the southern plains there are over a dozen armed groups claiming to represent the demands of the Madhesi people, whilst violence in the hills is related to the demand for establishing autonomous identity based provinces. Media companies have faced increasing disruptions owing to trade-union related disputes championed by workers affiliated with the ruling UCPN(M)

party. The government has failed to bring those accused of violence against journalists to justice. The authority’s inability to guarantee justice to the victims has sent the message that ‘it is ok to attack the media,’ which could have long-term implications in a society with weak or almost non-existent law enforcement.

There are a number of pending cases in which the government has failed to bring those responsible for attacking the media and journalists to justice has lead to a climate of impunity for those resorting to violence. On 5 October 2007 the Maoists abducted and killed Birendra Sah, a journalist in the Bara district. The whereabouts of another journalist, Prakash Singh Thakuri, allegedly abducted by the Maoists on 5 July 2008 from Mahendranagar in Far-western Nepal, remained unknown at the time of the publication of this

report. The Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (Jwala Singh) took responsibility for killing Pushkar Bahadur Shrestha in the Birgunj region of Parsa district on 12 January 2008. However, the government had not made any asserted efforts to investigate the deaths and bring those guilty to justice. More recently, J.P. Joshi was abducted in October 2008 and what is believed to be his remains were found on 28 November 2008. The Government detained two individuals accused of the murder but investigations have made little progress. On 11 January 2009 a group of about 15 persons murdered Uma Singh, a journalist in her mid-twenties, in the Janakpur region of Dhanusha district. The government investigated the attack but concluded that the murder was related simply to a property dispute - even though there were clear indications that the murder may have been motivated by her work as journalist. The deceased had written critical articles about the ruling party

and the local Maoist leadership. Several media companies came under direct attack from pro-Maoist trade

unions in late 2008. Rather than respond and arrest those identified as responsible, the government waited until the perpetrators “surrendered” to the District Administration and they were later released on bail. The

inability of the police to arrest and detain the perpetrators affiliated with the governing party has sent a clear message that supporters of the ruling party are beyond rule of law.

In 2007 Nepal enacted two vital laws for protecting the rights of journalists and media freedoms. These include the Working Journalists Act and the Right to Information Act (18 July and 8 August 2007). However, both laws have not been enforced for lack of appropriate regulations and other implementationrelated issues. Nepal, however, has yet to amend laws and regulations for the broadcasting sector in the spirit of the guarantees provided by the Interim Constitution and the recommendations of the Media Commission. The lack

of clear regulatory guidelines has resulted in a rapid but haphazard growth in licensing new broadcasters, especially FM radios, whose programming, management, growth and sustainability remain major challenges.

Media development in Nepal remains constrained by inadequate legislation and/or implementation of laws, these exist at all, as well as the lack of both institutional capacity of media organisations and resources (human

and material). Preparing the Nepali media for taking on the challenge of supporting communications needed for state-building during the ongoing transition requires continuous efforts in supporting journalists in difficult

situations, training of journalists, support to media organisations for content production (where applicable) and support to media forums for identifying and discussing major state building challenges and the steps needed to

address them

CONCLUDING REMARKS:

The challenges of Nepali journalism are apparent at all levels of the news process: the system, media organizations, individual journalists, and the larger society. These directly affect the quality of press performance required of any post-conflict society that is dealing with crucial issues of peace-building. Rank and file journalists have rarely been sensitized to approaches and issues involved with post-conflict reporting, although media rights groups and international donors have spent some resources in this area. To achieve what in Nepal is often referred to as “healthy journalism,” there is a need for a coordinated approach to a newsgathering process that emphasizes a deeper understanding of what is meant by journalistic independence and provides support for creativity, collaborative reporting, diversity and tolerant working conditions. Regular assessments of news coverage are also necessary to prioritize news agendas. Under the repressive regime, achieving democracy was the overriding concern for Nepali journalists and other civil society groups, and relentless criticism was their means. They earned widespread public support in that cause, and they deservedly basked in the glory of being crusaders. Today, they are doing battle with different issues and circumstances as they strive to reach a level of professional competence in which more will be required than a journalism of assertion.

Nepal has overcome a decade-long armed conflict, but still remains at the crossroads of a delicate transition. A wrong turn could threaten the achievements made so far while the right strategies and investments can help speed up the peace process, strengthen democracy and open up the space for development. The media can play an important role in facilitating the change but it requires an environment where it can work freely and without fear of harassment, abductions and murder. There is no alternative to a free media in a democracy. Attacks on media companies, abduction of journalists, threats and harassments and obstructions disrupt information flow and constrict the people’s right to know. It is sad that the same media which played a leading during the

restoration of democracy in 2006 has now become the target of attacks from various groups, even including criminal elements who are taking advantage of weak law enforcement. The Nepali transition which began in April 2006 remains volatile and complex. Even though there are guarantees for press freedom and freedom

of expression in the Interim Constitution and the Government has also passed several laws that favour freedom of expression, the issues of safety of journalists and protection of press freedoms remain major challenges.

Developing the capacity of the media to respond to these challenges and the need for informed debate in Nepal is another major challenge.